In late 2019, a pair of Montana ranchers found themselves at odds with the U.S. Forest Service, the federal agency tasked with overseeing the sprawling public lands where their cattle grazed under a special permit. Agency staff documented repeated instances of their livestock straying into unauthorized areas—four times in September alone—alongside neglected fences and salt licks positioned improperly close to vital creeks and springs, a practice known to draw cattle into sensitive riparian habitats, impacting water quality and fragile ecosystems. Following numerous attempts at communication via calls, texts, and letters, the Forest Service issued a formal "notice of noncompliance," asserting that the ranchers had engaged in "a willful and intentional violation" of their grazing permit and warning of potential revocation for future infractions.

How ranchers accused of breaking the rules dodge oversight

Despite not being among the largest or most politically influential operators in the extensive public lands grazing system, the ranchers quickly garnered support from well-connected individuals. They initiated a concerted pushback against the warning, arguing they had been unfairly targeted. "The Forest Service needs to work with us and understand that grazing on the Forest is not black and white," the ranchers contended in written communication to the agency. Conversely, the Forest Service’s acting district ranger maintained that his team had "gone above and beyond" to facilitate the ranchers’ adherence to regulations. This local dispute soon escalated, illustrating a broader, systemic challenge to environmental enforcement across the American West.

With assistance from a former Forest Service employee, the Montana ranchers leveraged their connections, reaching out to their congressional representatives in early 2020. Staffers for then-Representative Greg Gianforte and Senator Steve Daines, both prominent Montana Republicans, swiftly intervened. This marked the beginning of more than a year of intense back-and-forth exchanges between the senator’s office and high-ranking Forest Service officials, highlighting the often-disproportionate influence that even individual permittees can wield through political channels. As one exasperated Forest Service official noted in a 2021 email to colleagues, ranchers who "hear something they don’t like" frequently "run to the forest supervisor and the senator’s office to get what they want."

How ranchers accused of breaking the rules dodge oversight

Public-lands ranching represents one of the most extensive land uses across many Western states, where the economic and cultural significance of livestock often leads to more cattle than people. This deep-rooted identity fosters a political landscape remarkably responsive to requests for assistance from grazing permittees, regardless of their operational scale. Ranchers facing citations or resisting environmental regulations routinely enlist the aid of specialized pro-grazing lawyers, influential trade group lobbyists, and sympathetic politicians, whose ranks span from local county commissioners to state legislators and U.S. senators like Daines. These allies, some of whom have since ascended to influential positions within recent federal administrations, actively advocate for the loosening of environmental safeguards and, in some instances, for reduced accountability for those who violate established rules.

Multiple current and former employees from both the Bureau of Land Management (BLM) and the Forest Service have confidentially revealed that the formidable political backing enjoyed by some ranchers poses a significant barrier to effective enforcement of grazing regulations. When faced with such intense political pressure, regulatory agencies frequently yield. "If we do anything anti-grazing, there’s at least a decent chance of politicians being involved," explained one BLM employee, who requested anonymity due to fears of professional retaliation. "We want to avoid that, so we don’t do anything that would bring that about." This sentiment underscores a culture of apprehension within federal agencies, where the specter of political intervention can paralyze regulatory action.

How ranchers accused of breaking the rules dodge oversight

Mary Jo Rugwell, a former director of the BLM’s Wyoming state office, acknowledged that while the majority of ranchers operating on public lands adhere to regulations, a subset of "truly problematic" individuals deliberately flout the rules, often attempting to "go above and around you to try to get what they want or think they deserve." She emphasized that ranching interests "can be very closely tied to folks that are in power." Public records obtained through extensive requests reveal that since 2020, members of Congress from both major parties have contacted the BLM and Forest Service more than 20 times regarding grazing matters. These communications, including those from Daines and Gianforte, as well as Rep. Paul Gosar (R-Ariz.), former Rep. Yvette Herrell (R-N.M.), former Sen. Dianne Feinstein (D-Calif.), and Sen. Mike Lee (R-Utah), addressed issues ranging from "Request for Flexibility with Grazing Permits" to "Public Lands Rule Impact on Ranchers and Rural Communities."

Rick Danvir, a long-serving wildlife manager on a substantial Utah ranch, offered another perspective, noting that the BLM often finds itself caught between the demands of ranchers and the legal challenges posed by environmental organizations critical of public-lands grazing. "Everyone is always kicking them," he said of the agency, which, wary of costly litigation, frequently adopts a defensive posture. In the Montana dispute, Senator Daines’ office maintained a relentless stream of emails to Forest Service officials from March 2020 through February 2021, demanding granular details about the agency’s interactions with the ranchers. In April 2021, a Daines staffer even attempted to attend a private meeting between the ranchers and the Forest Service, only to be turned away. The cumulative effect of these interventions was undeniable.

How ranchers accused of breaking the rules dodge oversight

Local Forest Service officials involved in the Montana case openly acknowledged that external political pressure was compelling them to afford the ranchers preferential treatment. "If this issue was solely between the (ranger district) and the permittee, we should administer the permit and end the discussion there," one official wrote in 2020. "Unfortunately, we have regional, state and national oversight from others that deters us from administering the permit like we would for others. It is very unfair to the top notch operators that call/coordinate/manage consistently. But, what the (ranchers) perceive as picking on them, for political reasons, has become a mandate that we make accommodations outside the terms of a mediated permit. So be it." Another agency official lamented, "It leaves a sour taste to think I am expected to hold all other permittees to the terms of their permits/forest plan/forest handbook … yet be told to continually let it go with another."

By June 2020, the acting district ranger expressed a willingness to "cut (the ranchers) some slack" in hopes of improving relations. Despite the agency finding evidence of renewed permit violations in December 2020, including overgrazing that threatened declining vegetation and soil health, a formal notice of noncompliance was withheld. By late 2022, the Montana ranchers had accumulated four consecutive years of permit violations, clearly warranting another notice. However, agency staff, exhausted and wary of further political conflict, hesitated. Ultimately, even though the Forest Service documented widespread signs of overuse on the ranchers’ grazing land, the agency refrained from officially recommending another citation in its year-end report for 2022, illustrating the debilitating effect of persistent political interference. As one official aptly summarized during the protracted disagreement, "the drama continues." A spokesperson for Senator Daines affirmed that the senator "advocates tirelessly on behalf of his constituents to federal agencies" and "was glad to be able to advocate" for the ranchers in this specific instance.

How ranchers accused of breaking the rules dodge oversight

The unfolding landscape under the current administration signals a continuation, if not an intensification, of support for ranchers critical of perceived government overreach. Key appointments reflect this orientation: Karen Budd-Falen, a self-described "cowboy lawyer" with deep ties to a prominent ranching family and a history of challenging federal grazing regulations—including a notable, though ultimately unsuccessful, RICO lawsuit against individual BLM staffers—has been appointed to a high-level post at the U.S. Department of the Interior. Similarly, President Donald Trump nominated Michael Boren, a tech entrepreneur and rancher with his own contentious history with the Forest Service (including a cease-and-desist letter for allegedly clearing national forest land and building a private cabin), as Undersecretary of Agriculture for Natural Resources and Environment, a position that directly oversees the Forest Service. Boren’s confirmation in October further solidifies this administrative direction.

The administration has also moved swiftly to dismantle Biden-era reforms aimed at bolstering environmental protections for public rangelands. In September, the administration proposed rescinding the Public Lands Rule, a regulation finalized in May 2024 that sought to elevate the protection and restoration of wildlife habitat and clean water to equal standing with other federal land uses such as oil drilling, mining, and grazing. This rule would have introduced provisions allowing individuals, organizations, tribes, and state agencies to lease BLM land for conservation purposes and strengthened the agency’s process for evaluating the environmental impacts of economic activities. Concurrently, the administration effectively nullified a Biden-era BLM memo that prioritized environmental reviews for grazing lands exhibiting degradation or situated within sensitive wildlife habitats. The Interior Department and BLM, in a public statement, asserted that "any policy decisions are made in accordance with federal law and are designed to balance economic opportunity with conservation responsibilities across the nation’s public lands."

How ranchers accused of breaking the rules dodge oversight

Beyond these high-profile policy reversals, the administration has initiated a broad effort to open millions of acres of "vacant" federal grazing lands to ranchers, positioning "grazing as a central element of federal land management." While 24 million acres nationwide are identified as vacant, many of these allotments are temporarily without livestock for critical ecological reasons, such as recovery from wildfires, insufficient water or forage to sustain cattle, or ongoing efforts to remove invasive species. In a notable directive in May, Forest Service Chief Tom Schultz allotted staff approximately two weeks to compile lists of unused grazing allotments ripe for rapid repopulation with livestock, a policy closely aligned with the advocacy of organizations like the Public Lands Council, which has called for the swift refilling of vacant allotments. A USDA spokesperson clarified that "vacant grazing allotments have always been open and available to permitted grazing."

The influence of ranching interests in Washington, D.C., and across the West is not a recent phenomenon. Long before the current administration, presidential efforts to raise grazing fees or fortify environmental regulations consistently encountered fierce opposition. In the mid-1990s, the Clinton administration famously retreated from a proposal to increase grazing fees amidst widespread outcry from public-lands ranchers and their Republican allies in Congress, who viewed the reforms as an existential threat to their livelihoods. "The government is trying to take our livelihood, our rights and our dignity," one rancher declared at a hearing on then-Interior Secretary Bruce Babbitt’s ultimately failed push, adding, "We can’t live with it."

How ranchers accused of breaking the rules dodge oversight

While ranching industry groups may not command the lobbying budgets of pharmaceutical or fossil fuel giants, their voices resonate powerfully in the Capitol. J.R. Simplot Co., identified as the largest holder of BLM grazing permits, spent approximately $610,000 lobbying Congress between 2020 and 2025. The company recently engaged the Bernhardt Group, founded by David Bernhardt, who served as Secretary of the Interior during the first Trump administration, further illustrating the revolving door between government and industry advocacy. Smaller permittees frequently turn to influential trade groups like the National Cattlemen’s Beef Association (NCBA), which boasts affiliates in 40 states and wields considerable legal and political power. In recent years, the NCBA and its allies have initiated lawsuits against the Environmental Protection Agency over water regulations and the Interior Department regarding endangered species protections for the lesser prairie chicken. The NCBA spent nearly $2 million lobbying Washington, D.C., over the past five years and contributed over $2 million to federal candidates and political action committees in the last two election cycles, with more than 90% of those contributions directed to Republican candidates in the 2024 cycle. The association vociferously opposed and filed a lawsuit to halt the implementation of the Public Lands Rule, with its then-president, Mark Eisele, characterizing it as "a stepping stone to removing livestock grazing from our nation’s public lands." Nada Culver, a former deputy director of the BLM during the Biden administration, noted that the political sway of ranchers extends beyond their monetary contributions, deeply rooted in their "cultural power" as "icons of the American West."

Beyond federal intervention, state and local officials, including legislators, county commissioners, and sheriffs, frequently come to the defense of ranchers entangled in disputes with federal agencies. In June 2019, amidst a protracted conflict between ranchers and employees of Utah’s Fishlake National Forest, a forest supervisor recounted a chilling exchange where a rancher, facing a citation for non-compliance, threatened, "if anyone in his family got hurt by this, remember I have a family and they can get hurt too." This incident underscores the intense, sometimes dangerous, atmosphere surrounding public land management. In a related dispute, the Piute County Commission’s January 2016 meeting minutes recorded the local sheriff stating he "will not allow this to be a Bundy situation," referring to the infamous 2014 armed standoff between Nevada rancher Cliven Bundy and the BLM. The sheriff reportedly threatened, "If that entails jailing the forest service he will do it!!!"

How ranchers accused of breaking the rules dodge oversight

The Bundy family’s Bunkerville standoff, sparked by two decades of chronic trespassing and approximately $1 million in unpaid grazing fines, became a potent symbol of defiance against federal authority. Cliven Bundy maintained, without legal basis, that the U.S. government held no jurisdiction over public lands in Nevada. When federal agents attempted to impound his trespassing cattle under court order, Bundy and an armed contingent of supporters engaged in a tense confrontation that ultimately led to the agents’ retreat. "I’ll be damned if I’m going to honor a federal court that has no jurisdiction or authority or arresting power over we the people," Bundy famously told The New York Times in 2014. Throughout this volatile period, the Bundys received unwavering support from numerous political figures across the region, including resolutions from Nye County commissioners and vocal backing from state legislators. The family’s political influence has only expanded, with Bundy’s niece, Celeste Maloy, elected to represent Utah’s 2nd Congressional District in 2023. Congresswoman Maloy has actively championed legislation promoting the sale of some federal lands and facilitating easier access for ranchers to vacant grazing allotments during periods of drought and extreme weather, having received $20,000 in campaign contributions from the National Cattlemen’s Beef Association during the 2024 election cycle.

Wayne Werkmeister, a seasoned BLM employee who dedicated most of his career to overseeing federal grazing lands before retiring in 2022, candidly described the immense difficulty of enforcing public-lands protections. "When you have everything stacked against you, when you’ve got political pressure on you, when you’ve got management who doesn’t want to hear it, when you’ve got a rancher who’s trying to prove himself, it’s nearly impossible," he reflected. In 2017, Werkmeister and his team, following intensive on-the-ground research, concluded that two ranchers near Grand Junction, Colorado, were severely damaging habitat across their sprawling 90,000-acre allotment, where approximately 500 cattle grazed. Werkmeister initiated efforts to reduce the herd size to allow the land to recover.

How ranchers accused of breaking the rules dodge oversight

The ranchers swiftly countered, hiring former BLM employees to challenge the agency’s findings, accusing it of "agenda driven bullying." They strategically copied then-U.S. Senator Cory Gardner, a Colorado Republican, on their correspondence with the BLM, forcing Werkmeister to justify the agency’s actions to the senator’s aides. In October 2018, Werkmeister’s office received a stern letter from the Budd-Falen Law Offices, representing the Colorado ranchers, asserting that "The actions of the BLM in reducing livestock grazing on the West Salt Common Allotment could potentially and unnecessarily force them out of business." This letter was also disseminated to local county commissioners, multiplying the political pressure. Werkmeister recounted that his superiors subsequently ordered him back into the field to gather additional data, despite years of comprehensive documentation already detailing the allotment’s condition, precipitation patterns, and historical use. The ranchers continued to dispute the agency’s findings, and ultimately, Werkmeister was unable to implement sufficient grazing reductions to facilitate the allotment’s ecological recovery. As recently as 2024, agency records indicate that the BLM reapproved grazing on the damaged land. During a recent visit to the allotment, Werkmeister sadly pointed to denuded ground and stunted native bunchgrasses, overtaken by a pervasive sea of invasive cheatgrass, a stark testament to the systemic failures. "Overgrazed to the point of gone," he concluded, encapsulating the profound and lasting environmental toll.